Thursday, May 25, 2017

Disaster for Tories as up-to-date YouGov poll unexpectedly shows their lead dropping even further

It's that time again, folks.

*puts on Canadian accent*

It's another terrrrr-ible night for the Conservative party.

Britain-wide voting intentions (YouGov) :

Conservatives 43% (-1)
Labour 38% (+3)
Liberal Democrats 10% (+1)
SNP / Plaid Cymru 5% (n/c)
UKIP 4% (+1)
Greens 1% (-1)

I've already had to hurriedly update this blogpost, because YouGov have broken the habit of a lifetime by getting their datasets out straight away, which means we don't have to wait until the morning to learn the SNP's vote share.  The good news is that the party appear to be holding firm, although there's no sign of any additional progress in the Scottish subsample - the SNP lead the Tories by 41% to 30%, which is pretty similar to the most recent full-scale Scottish poll from YouGov.  But of course individual subsamples are not especially reliable - it's perfectly possible that this one is underestimating the SNP lead, and that the GB-wide Tory slump is being replicated in these parts.  And it's certainly very interesting to learn that it's even possible for Labour to reach a heady 38% of the GB vote without a major recovery in the Scottish subsample (although admittedly their 22% showing is somewhat better than their recent average).

The fieldwork for this poll took place yesterday and today, which means not only that it was entirely after the tragedy in Manchester, but also that it was entirely after the Prime Minister's announcement that the UK's threat level had been raised to 'critical' - which I thought was the moment that might have the really significant political effect by putting security matters (a traditional area of Tory strength) at the forefront of voters' minds.  YouGov have pointed to some internal polling as evidence that the situation was even worse for Theresa May on Monday, implying that the events of the last few days have indeed helped her to recover from a low that we weren't even aware of - but even if that's true, it looks like the recovery must be extremely modest.  It appears that we may have a tendency to significantly overestimate the effect of sudden shocks on voting intentions - like many others, I expected the reaction to the Jo Cox tragedy last year to boost the Remain vote, and perhaps it did, but not by a decisive amount.

As always with a single poll showing something truly out of the ordinary, we need to remember that the further narrowing of the Tory lead could just be an illusion caused by sampling variation.  But what this does mean is that it's pretty unlikely that the Tories are in a better position now than they were immediately after their manifesto launch, when it appears their lead may have slumped to single figures.  (The only polling firm taking issue with that is ICM, who put the lead at 14 points.)  It looks, therefore, as if Monday's U-turn on social care did not have the desired effect, and may even have made things worse for the Tories - at least in the short-term.

To answer the question a lot of people are asking : yes, if there's a uniform swing between Tory and Labour, and if the Lib Dems and SNP are resilient in seats they're defending, this poll takes us firmly into hung parliament territory.  The trouble is that the Brexit factor means there almost certainly isn't going to be anything even close to a uniform swing, meaning it's impossible to know for sure whether a 5% Tory lead would translate into a hung parliament or a small overall Tory majority.  But at the very least it would put the Tory majority at severe risk.

Of course the million dollar question is whether the polls are even accurate.  It would be a mistake to jump to the conclusion that the polls must be underestimating the Tory lead by roughly as much as they did last time, because methodology has been changed since then in the hope of avoiding any repeat.  Nevertheless, Matt Singh is gaining a lot of publicity for his prediction that the Tories will once again significantly out-perform the polls.  I must say I was a little underwhelmed by his reasoning - he's certainly on solid ground in suggesting that leadership ratings are predictive of election results, but I fear he may be placing too much emphasis on the sharp difference between the outcomes of May local elections and June general elections in 1983 and 1987.  It's possible there were 'era-specific' explanations for that phenomenon (such as the existence of the SDP-Liberal Alliance).  There's no reason to automatically assume that because something has happened twice in the relatively distant past, it's bound to happen a third time.

One problem the Tories have now got is that if they're in a bit of a hole, they can't really dig their way out of it by going after Jeremy Corbyn quite as brutally as they probably intended to until recently.  National campaigning will get underway again tomorrow, but all parties (with the possible exception of UKIP) will know that anything too nasty from them could backfire badly given the current public mood.

And a comforting thought to finish with - if this poll is close to being right, it reflects the state of public opinion at a time when the election was already underway.  A great many postal votes have already been cast.

Wednesday, May 24, 2017

Who will benefit from the suspension of campaigning?

The short answer to that question is : almost certainly the Conservative party.  At least until Monday morning, the momentum had been running away from the Tories, and even after the U-turn on social care, Theresa May was firmly on the back foot, as witnessed in her interview with Andrew Neil.  Since then, simply by doing what any potential Prime Minister (including Jeremy Corbyn) would do in the same situation, she has probably gone some way towards repairing her "strong and stable" brand in the public imagination.  And, whatever the rights and wrongs of the decision, the sight of armed forces on the streets will scare the living daylights out of a lot of voters, leading them to prioritise national security over bread-and-butter issues - a shift which is bound to favour the Tories.

There are a few possible counter-arguments to that reading of the situation -

1) A tragedy like the one we've seen this week may bring about an increase in civic-mindedness, and thus boost the turnout.  Although the surprise socialist victory in the Spanish election just after the 2004 Madrid bombings was attributed to Aznar's dishonesty in blaming Basque terrorists for the atrocity, it may have had just as much to do with the simple effect of a boost in turnout automatically favouring the parties of the left (ie. because the demographic groups most likely to vote for right-wing parties generally turn out anyway).

2) There may now be a modest UKIP recovery.  I've been astonished and dismayed by the number of otherwise sensible people I've seen on Facebook over the last 36 hours calling for mass deportations.  UKIP's campaign message may not go quite that far, but it's certainly the closest fit.  If UKIP do win some lapsed voters back (and remember they're only standing in roughly half the constituencies this time), it's not clear which party would suffer the most, but it's possible it might be the Tories.

3) Power is somewhat more dispersed in the UK than it used to be, so the politicians in leadership roles who have been making high-profile statements on the Manchester bombing and its implications haven't been confined to the Conservative party.  The new directly-elected Mayor of Greater Manchester is of course Andy Burnham, very well known to be a Labour politician.  Nicola Sturgeon's statements have been well-publicised in Scotland, and presumably the same is true of Carwyn Jones' statements in Wales.  The "clinging to the party of power in a moment of crisis" effect is therefore not quite as clear-cut as it might otherwise be.

4) The longer the campaign is suspended, the less time the Tories have to implement their planned "shock and awe" campaign to destroy the credibility of Jeremy Corbyn.

All of those factors should be taken seriously, but even in combination I don't think they outweigh the advantages that the Conservatives are now gaining.  When the next Britain-wide polls are published, I expect to see an increase in the Tory lead.

Monday, May 22, 2017

It's more important than ever that pro-independence voters get behind the SNP in this election

First of all, a quick note to let you know that I have a new article at the TalkRadio website, which was inspired by an exchange I saw on Twitter last week between two passionately pro-independence young people who have become disillusioned with politics of late. The article argues that it's vitally important that the pro-independence movement gets out and votes SNP on June 8th.  You can read it HERE.  (You'll probably be able to spot that it was written before the events of the weekend.)

The promised firecracker of a Welsh poll from YouGov certainly didn't disappoint - it shows a complete transformation in the fortunes of the parties, with Labour not merely regaining the lead, but opening up a commanding advantage.

Wales-only YouGov poll :

Labour 44% (+9)
Conservatives 34% (-7)
Plaid Cymru 9% (-2)
Liberal Democrats 6% (-1)
UKIP 5% (+1)
Greens 1% (n/c)

The fieldwork dates were from Thursday (the day of the disastrous Tory manifesto launch) through to yesterday.  Taken in conjunction with the GB-wide YouGov and Survation polls we saw at the weekend, plus a new GB-wide ICM poll released today showing the Tory lead dropping six points, I think we can safely say there is now ample evidence that the manifesto cost the Tories a shed-load of voters.  What we don't know yet is whether the partial and vague U-turn today will be enough to reassure those voters and bring them back into the fold.  (There's also a possibility that they'll be reassured on the specific policy but have new doubts about Theresa May's credibility as a leader.)  I have absolutely no idea what the effect will be, so all bets are off until we see at least one poll that includes fieldwork from today onwards.

Incidentally, in spite of the ICM poll showing a hefty swing away from the Tories, it still puts them 14% ahead, which is a bigger lead than in the YouGov and Survation polls.  But the difference might be partly explained by the fact that ICM appear to have too many Leave voters in their sample - 49% of respondents recalled voting Leave, and only 40% recalled voting Remain.  The poll is correctly weighted to recalled voting from the 2015 general election, but I'd have thought EU referendum vote is just as important a predictor of how people might act now.

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For some unknown reason, I'm on the Tory mailing list, and today I received an email from Theresa May informing me (as a presumed Tory supporter) that if she loses just six seats, Jeremy Corbyn will become Prime Minister.  That is absolute and complete rubbish - she's knowingly lying to her own supporters.  It's true that Corbyn could theoretically become Prime Minister without Labour becoming the largest party, but at an absolute minimum he would need the combined forces of Labour, the SNP, the Lib Dems, Plaid Cymru, the Greens and the SDLP to outnumber the Tories (and in reality it would probably take more than that, because I doubt if the Lib Dems would back him).  That would require the Tories to lose significantly more than six seats.

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LAST CALL TO REGISTER TO VOTE : Please check your broom cupboards and attics for anyone who may not have registered to vote - they now have only a few hours left to do so. It's really quick and easy to do it, but if they miss the deadline they'll be powerless to stop the Tories in June. The estimates for the number of people who still haven't registered are absolutely terrifying, and they are disproportionately people who would be likely to vote against a Tory government. If you find someone who needs to register, send them to this link, and they'll be sorted in a matter of minutes.

Tyrannical Theresa's wobbly weekend concludes with another sensational poll showing the Tory lead collapsing

OK, here we go.

*puts on Canadian accent*

It's another terrrrr-ible night for the Conservatives.

Survation telephone poll of GB-wide voting intentions :

Conservatives 43% (-5)
Labour 34% (+4)
Liberal Democrats 8% (n/c)
UKIP 4% (n/c)
SNP 3% (-1)
Greens 2% (n/c)
Plaid Cymru 1% (n/c)

The SNP's 3% share is a little better than it looks - they were very close to being rounded up to 4% rather than rounded down to 3%.  In the Scottish subsample, they have a decent-enough lead over the Tories of 41% to 26%.  In terms of the gap, that's actually pretty similar to last week's subsample, which had the SNP ahead by 47% to 31%.  Remember that Survation's subsamples are particularly tiny (only 65 respondents in this case after the turnout filter was applied), so we can expect huge variations from week to week which will often be completely random and meaningless.

So we now have three GB-wide polls conducted since the public had a chance to digest the controversial pledges in the Tory manifesto.  The message from two of the three is absolutely unambiguous - there has been a telling swing from Tory to Labour which has brought the Tory lead down to its lowest level of the campaign.  The fact that one of those two polls was conducted online and the other by telephone makes it seem even more likely that a genuine shift in opinion has been detected. The picture is admittedly complicated by the fact that the third poll (the online Survation poll) technically showed an increase in the Tory lead from 11 points to 12.  However, the previous 11 point lead was several weeks ago, and even at the time stuck out like a sort thumb as a potential rogue poll.  In truth, a 12 point lead is on the low side for this campaign, and is well within the margin of error of the 9 points leads.  It's therefore perfectly consistent with the notion that the gap has probably narrowed significantly in recent days.

The big question is whether it will stay narrowed.  What's happening at the moment reminds me very much of the period in the independence referendum when the No-friendly pollsters (TNS, YouGov and Ipsos-Mori) very suddenly showed the No lead dropping sharply.  We reached a crossroads where one of two things was about to happen - either the momentum would prove irresistible and carry Yes to victory (or to a very narrow defeat), or people would for the first time consider the possibility that Yes might win, get very scared, and draw back from the brink.  As we all know, it turned out to be the latter, helped along by an unprecedented 'shock and awe' campaign from the London-based broadcast media.  I do wonder if the same thing might happen now.  Even though the chances of Jeremy Corbyn becoming Prime Minister in a hung parliament are still extremely modest, people may start taking them a little more seriously, which will make all the old scare stories somewhat more potent once again.  If so, this weekend may actually help the Tories rather than harm them.  Let's hope not.

We know we'll get at least one more poll tomorrow (Monday), and that'll be a Wales-only poll from YouGov.  Professor Roger Scully has already revealed that it's going to show something pretty remarkable, and I don't think he's the sort to lead us up the garden path.  As the previous two polls in the series have shown Conservative leads, I think to qualify as remarkable the new poll would have to show either a big swing back to Labour, or an absolutely enormous Tory lead.  As the latter would be totally against the prevailing GB-wide trend, my strong guess is that we'll see more evidence of a Tory collapse, and Labour reclaiming their familiar position of dominance in Wales.  But I may be completely wrong - time will tell.

LAST CALL TO REGISTER TO VOTE : Please check your broom cupboards and attics for anyone who may not have registered to vote - they now have less than 24 hours to do so.  It's really quick and easy to do it, but if they miss the deadline they'll be powerless to stop the Tories in June.  The estimates for the number of people who still haven't registered are absolutely terrifying, and they are disproportionately people who would be likely to vote against a Tory government.  If you find someone who needs to register, send them to this link, and they'll be sorted in a matter of minutes.

Saturday, May 20, 2017

Finally the election explodes into life as YouGov poll moves the race closer to hung parliament territory

Whenever you see a Britain-wide poll showing a huge Tory lead (which has basically been every single poll in this campaign so far), it's worth bearing in mind that Jeremy Corbyn's theoretical objective is not to overturn that lead, but simply to bring it down to a level that might conceivably translate into a hung parliament rather than an overall Tory majority.  That's still a mind-bogglingly tough hurdle for him, but it does put a slightly different perspective on things, because depending on the distribution of votes even a 6 or 7 point Tory lead might not be quite enough for a majority.
Earlier today there were two polls which showed modest declines in the Tory lead, but which still left Theresa May with a very comfortable 12 or 13 point cushion.  However, both of those polls were largely conducted before people became acquainted with the controversial Tory manifesto, and the million dollar question was what impact that would have.  Expectations genuinely differed - some commentators thought working-class voters would be taken in by the faux 'redistributive' aspects of the manifesto, while others thought the Tories were taking a big risk with their core vote.  Judging by the newly-released post-manifesto poll from YouGov, the latter analysis may have been closer to the mark.

GB-wide voting intentions (YouGov) :

Conservatives 44% (-1)
Labour 35% (+3)
Liberal Democrats 9% (+1)
SNP / Plaid Cymru 5% (n/c)
UKIP 3% (-3)

For the first time in the campaign, then, we have a poll that makes it look just about plausible that we could end up with a hung parliament - the Tory lead would only have to slip two or three points more.  I still think that's highly unlikely - if anything, it's more probable that this is just a blip and the gap will widen again as polling day approaches.  But it's certainly electric shock treatment for a campaign that until now has been the dullest since at least 2001.

For reasons only they can explain, YouGov never reveal the SNP's vote share until the following morning, but judging from the percentage changes of the other parties there's no obvious reason to suppose the SNP have slipped back.  [Update : The SNP and Plaid are unchanged on 5%, and the SNP lead the Tories in the Scottish subsample by 44% to 28%.]

UPDATE : Hot on the heels of YouGov comes a post-manifesto Survation poll which goes some way towards confirming that there has been a telling swing from Tory to Labour, but which still leaves Corbyn with a bigger deficit than he has in the YouGov poll.

GB-wide voting intentions (Survation) :

Conservatives 46%
Labour 34%
Liberal Democrats 8%
SNP 4%

A more realistic hope than a hung parliament is that the Tory surge we saw at the start of the campaign may have now gone into reverse, and that we'll see the effects of that in Scotland as well as south of the border.  If so, the SNP lead over the Tories might just start to inch up, and some of the Tories' longer-shot constituency targets might begin to look out of reach.

UPDATE II : I've removed the percentage changes from the Survation numbers above, because they were comparing apples with oranges - this is an online poll, and Survation's other recent polls (for Good Morning Britain) have been conducted by telephone.

Never forget that more than 42% of Moray voters backed independence in 2014

Matt Singh of Number Cruncher Politics has drawn attention to the fact that the SNP (at least according to the latest YouGov poll) have lost most of the anti-independence people who used to vote for them, and that the Tories now have roughly 50% of both Leave voters and No voters.  He reckons this points to "big swings in NE + Moray".

Common sense will already have told you there's a danger that the SNP-to-Tory swing in areas like Moray and Aberdeenshire will be significantly bigger than the national average, because those are the places where large numbers of people have traditionally floated between SNP and Tory/Lib Dem, rather than between SNP and Labour.  That does leave several SNP seats looking very vulnerable.  However, there's also an "up to a point, Lord Copper" element in this - you really do have to go back to basics and remind yourself that both Moray and Aberdeenshire actually voted to remain in the European Union, and both had significant minorities that voted Yes in September 2014.

It's true that Moray had the highest Leave vote in Scotland last year, but even if three-quarters of those voters break for the Tories, that would only take the party to roughly 37.5% of the electorate (leaving aside for a moment the complicating factor of turnout).  OK, the Tories will also attract a percentage of Remain voters, but the vast majority of 'Tory Remainers' will have voted No in 2014 - and three-quarters of the constituency's No voters would still only take the party to roughly 43.2%.  It's not hard to see why Angus Robertson is likely to at least be competitive in a constituency which had a 42.4% Yes vote and a 50.1% Remain vote, especially once you factor in his personal following and a potential "leader's bonus".

There was an almost 40% Yes vote in Aberdeenshire, so again, it scarcely stretches credulity to believe that the SNP may be able to hold on there in first-past-the-post contests.  Having said that, Aberdeenshire is a vast and varied local authority, and West Aberdeenshire & Kincardine looks to be tougher terrain than Gordon or Banff & Buchan.

Perhaps the more important question here is what the loss of anti-independence voters means for the SNP's strategy.  Do they conclude that those people have basically gone for good, and instead concentrate on firing up the Yes vote, and perhaps winning over the 25% of current Labour voters who are pro-independence?  Do they look at the unionist parties' success at using the fear of independence to dramatically reduce the number of No voters who vote SNP, and conclude that talking up the independence issue is the obvious way to deter Yes voters from backing unionist parties, especially Labour?  At the moment, the SNP's answer to both of those questions appears to be a firm "no".  They've instead gone back to the 2015 strategy of not scaring the horses on independence, which presumably indicates that they believe they can win some No voters back, even in the face of the unprecedented paranoia about independence being whipped up by the unionist parties.  I do have a slight doubt in my mind as to whether that's the correct call, but thankfully this is all way above my pay grade, so I'll just wait and see how it plays out.

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Friday, May 19, 2017

YouGov poll : Labour's current voters are less hostile to independence than the class of 2015

Since my last post I've had a chance to look at the YouGov datasets, and I was particularly interested in seeing what has happened to SNP voters from 2015.  It's important to stress there has been movement in both directions - 10% of people who voted Labour two years ago are now planning to vote SNP, as are 7% of people who voted Liberal Democrat, and even 1% of people who voted Tory.  But obviously that is more than offset by the people who have moved from the SNP to a unionist party. 

It shouldn't be any great surprise that 10% of the SNP's support has moved direct to the Tories - there are bound to be voters, especially in rural areas, who used to vote SNP for reasons that had nothing to do with the constitution, and who now feel that a stridently pro-Brexit/anti-independence party better reflects their views.  More interesting, though, are the 8% of SNP voters who have switched back to Labour.  Because the SNP's vote was twice as big as Labour's in 2015, that means (if the poll is accurate) there has actually been net movement from the SNP to Labour, in spite of the fact that Labour's overall vote has continued to fall.  I'm not convinced that finding can be explained by people having a change of heart on independence, because Labour's current coalition of support is considerably less anti-independence in character than its 2015 coalition was.  25% of people who currently plan to vote Labour would vote Yes to independence, compared to just 13% of people who voted Labour in 2015.  So it looks very much like there is a significant number of people out there who are pro-independence, and who have actually voted SNP at least once in the recent past, but who are nevertheless planning for some inexplicable reason to vote for the sinking ship that is Labour.  If the SNP are looking to recover some lost ground, that group may be the most obvious low-hanging fruit.

It's smaller beer, but we can also take some heart from the fact that 2% of SNP voters from 2015 say they plan to vote Green.  With no Green candidate to vote for in the vast majority of constituencies, it's not unreasonable to suspect that most of those votes will be heading back to the SNP - which could be enough to boost the overall SNP vote share by 1%.

SNP vote increases in "heartening" full-scale Scottish poll from YouGov

After an insanely long wait of several weeks, we finally have the fourth bona fide full-scale Scottish poll of this campaign, and it comes from YouGov.

Scottish voting intentions for the UK general election :

SNP 42% (+1)
Conservatives 29% (+1)
Labour 19% (+1)
Liberal Democrats 6% (-1)

I can't find any sign of the fieldwork dates yet, but judging from the number of people who mentioned being interviewed by YouGov a couple of days ago, it's probably safe to assume that the poll is close to being bang up-to-date.

So what can we take from the numbers?  They're not necessarily inconsistent with the impression of recent days (derived from anecdotal evidence and from the Scottish subsamples of GB-wide polls) that the SNP have bounced back somewhat after a ropey spell earlier in the campaign.  Obviously a 1% increase is underwhelming and not statistically significant in itself, but the standard 3% margin of error is perfectly capable of disguising a bigger jump.  We'll just have to await further polls for more information.  In the meantime, we can take great heart from learning that the first poll conducted after 4th May has completely failed to detect any sign that the Tories generated significant additional momentum from the local election results, and ate deeper into the SNP's lead.  There was always an obvious danger that they'd manage to do that, and the fact that they seemingly haven't may lead us to wonder whether we've now more or less reached Peak Tory - ie. the absolute limit of potential Tory support, from where they can only stand still or go backwards.  Put it this way - if the Tories can't poll higher than this when they're pushing 50% in some UK polls, when will they ever?

It's worth remembering that of the three polling firms that produced Scottish polls earlier in the campaign, YouGov reported the lowest SNP share.  That may have just happened by chance, or there may be a 'house effect' at play.  If it's the latter, it's possible that the next polls from other firms will put the SNP as high as 44% or 45%.  The bad news, though, is that Panelbase also reported a much higher Tory vote than YouGov did, so there's no particular reason to suppose that YouGov are underestimating the SNP's lead over the Tories - which ultimately is the most important thing in a first-past-the-post election.

Which leads me on to the big nagging worry - differential turnout.  If the SNP's real lead on the ground is somewhere between 10% and 15%, there's a risk that will translate into a sub-10 lead on polling day (exactly as happened in the local elections), due to the party's main opponents being strongest among the demographic groups that are most likely to turn out to vote.  We're going to need a Rolls Royce get-out-the-vote effort simply to achieve a result that properly reflects the state of public opinion.  But the more positive way of looking at it is that it's all in our own hands - the prize of 45 seats or more (an overwhelming landslide by any standards) is there for the grabbing.

The indispensable first step in that process is to make sure that potential SNP voters are actually able to vote, and time is running out in that respect.  If you know anyone (perhaps a young person) who you suspect is not on the electoral roll, don't delay in making an intervention - they can very quickly register by following this link.  But they have to do it by Monday evening, or they'll be powerless to stop the Tories in June.

Thursday, May 18, 2017

SNP lead by more than 16% in latest subsample average

The run of exceptionally good subsample results for the SNP was finally broken today when Ipsos-Mori actually put the Tories ahead of the SNP.  That hasn't happened previously in this campaign, but it's a somewhat artificial finding because the SNP were slightly ahead (and on a very healthy 45% of the vote) before the turnout filter was applied.  As ever, individual subsamples are prone to huge error and should be treated with extreme caution, but an aggregate of several subsamples might conceivably tell you something interesting.  Here is what the average of results over the last seven days shows...


SNP 46.6% (+0.2)
Conservatives 30.1% (+2.1)
Labour 14.9% (+0.3)
Liberal Democrats 4.3% (-2.2)

I had a bit of a dilemma with this update, because Kantar/TNS provide partial information about their Scottish subsample, but don't reveal what the turnout-weighted figures are.  I decided to take the view that you just have to go with the information that's actually available, so this update is based on subsamples from seven polls - two from YouGov, one from Ipsos-Mori, one from Kantar/TNS, one from Survation, one from Panelbase and one from ICM.  The GfK subsample published today (which shows an enormous lead for the SNP) is excluded because the fieldwork began more than seven days ago.

A few people mentioned being interviewed by YouGov the other day for what seemed to be a Scotland-specific poll, so if it's intended for public consumption, we may not have to read the runes from subsamples for much longer.

Wednesday, May 17, 2017

Drama as Lib Dem manifesto implicitly concedes the case for an independence referendum

This is a direct quote from the Liberal Democrat manifesto published today -

"Keeping the UK in the EU will remove the basis for the SNP’s divisive proposed referendum on independence."

With the exception of the word "divisive", I don't think anyone in the SNP would disagree with that.  The one and only reason another independence referendum has been proposed relatively soon after the last one is that Scotland is being dragged out of the EU against its will.  In the highly unlikely event that the United Kingdom never leaves the EU, the grounds for holding a referendum in the near future will no longer exist.

But of course the reverse is also true.  If keeping the UK in the EU removes the basis for a referendum, failing to keep the UK in the EU will by definition ensure that the basis for a referendum remains intact.  The Liberal Democrats should be congratulated for implicitly (and probably accidentally) conceding that vitally important democratic point.